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Ha'aretz, May 23, 2008
Whoever controls the past
By Laurence Weinbaum
It was Orwell who observed that whoever controls the past controls the
future, and whoever controls the present controls the past. That is why
contemporary politics in Poland, a great repository of Jewish history, are
of such interest and importance to Jewish historians. In recent months, a
heated debate among Polish intellectuals and politicians was triggered by
the publication of the Polish edition of Jan Gross' provocative best-seller,
"Fear." In chilling detail, that work chronicled the killings of Jews in
post-Holocaust Poland. In an earlier book, "Neighbors," Gross, a Polish-born
American sociologist, published the story of Jedwabne - one of several
hamlets in northeastern Poland where the local population murdered Jewish
townsfolk in 1941. "Neighbors" drove home the point that Polish attitudes
toward Jews were not nearly as benevolent as many Poles had believed them to
be - and Polish society was severely shaken. "Jedwabne" became indelibly
etched in public consciousness as a metaphor for local complicity in the
destruction of local Jews, though in certain quarters it was seen as a
Jewish attempt to besmirch the good name of Poland.
One response to the publication of "Fear" was the hasty translation into
Polish of a work by Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, the Polish-born academic dean
and professor of history at the Institute of World Politics in Washington.
At the center of that book, "After the Holocaust: Polish-Jewish Conflict in
the Wake of World War II," first published five years ago, is the
"contextualization" or even rationalization of the post-war violence against
Jews. According to Chodakiewicz, Polish violence against Jews must be
balanced against Jewish acts of violence against Poles. Indeed, the very
title of his work and his deliberate use of the word "conflict" would
suggest at least some degree of reciprocity. Chodakiewicz, a Ph.D. from
Columbia University, is one of a group of ethno-nationalist historians who
maintains that Jews who served in Poland's notorious internal security
organ, headed by Jakub Berman (a Jewish-born apparatchik), should be blamed
for their acts as Jews. They contend that much of the violence directed
against Jews was not anti-Semitic at all; it was simply a reaction to the
transgressions of Jewish communists. To be sure, Jews acting on behalf of
Moscow committed crimes for which they must bear personal responsibility,
but clearly they were not acting to advance any specifically Jewish agenda.
As such, the Jewish-born functionaries are no more or less to blame than the
ethnic Poles who acted alongside them, but in far greater numbers. If
anything, the communist cause was antithetical to Jewish interests, and most
Jews with a strong national or religious consciousness beat a path out of
the country as fast as their legs could carry them. The appearance of
Chodakiewicz's work would not be so troubling if it did not bear the
imprimatur of Poland's Institute for National Remembrance (IPN), a
state-sponsored body charged with investigating crimes by both the Nazis and
the Communists, the Germans and the Soviets - and their local henchmen. In
recent years, however, there have been disturbing signs that the IPN has
been diverted from its initial mission and has actually been used as an
instrument to promote a Polish nationalist weltanschauung - and whitewash
terrible stains on Poland's escutcheon. Indeed, Chodakiewicz and like-minded
historians seem reluctant to forgive the Jews for Jedwabne and the Kielce
pogrom, and are hard at work explaining why the murdered - not the
murderers - are guilty. Of course, there is nothing very new in this
approach. Such "deflective negationism" is a widespread phenomenon that can
be observed across the length and breadth of post-communist East and Central
Europe. However, Chodakiewicz takes this defense strategy to a dizzying new
level, suggesting: "For several hundred years now, secular utopians have
been bludgeoning traditional foundations of the Western civilization.
Lately, the 'progressives' have focused on Poland as a substitute target for
a larger assault on traditional American values. They have blamed Poland for
anti-Semitism, including an alleged complicity in the Holocaust. This has
succeeded because the secularists command the symbols and language of
America's discourse." In other words, those who study the history of
anti-Semitism in Poland, including the role of locals in the destruction of
Jewish communities, are really attempting to bring down the United States.
What is especially bizarre is that a historian with such twisted views would
serve (until 2010) as a presidential appointee to the United States
Holocaust Memorial Council. But America has always been nothing if not a
land of golden opportunity. There are reasons to question the methodology
employed by Gross, and eminent Polish scholars have done so - without
encountering any suggestions that they had any intention other than to
advance the cause of objective scholarship. Chodakiewicz's motivations seem
less sanguine, and the fact that his wild assertions have received official
endorsement is most disturbing. This is especially so because his book (even
before it was translated) was trashed by many of his colleagues in Poland,
including highly regarded authorities in the field. Those scholars severely
chastised the unprofessional way in which Chodakiewicz used sources. Given
the stinging criticism Chodakiewicz leveled at Gross, whose scholarship, he
said, "eerily recalls Stalinist propaganda of the mid-1940s," this is
especially ironic. Therefore, it would behoove those of us who count
ourselves among Poland's sincerest well-wishers - those of us who feel
intimately and inexorably bound to the land of our forefathers - to draw
attention to this travesty of history.
Dr. Laurence Weinbaum, a historian, is chief editor of the Israel Journal of
Foreign Affairs, and co-author of a forthcoming book on the historiography
of the Jewish Military Union (ZZW) in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.
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